THE URU-CHIPAYA IN
CHILE[1]
CARLOS ALBERTO MUNOZ MONSALVE[2]
The following article describes the Uru-Chipaya
ethnicity in the process of emigration to Chile . Chipayas immigrants entering
during months from Bolivia
high plateau to the Chilean valleys to work as temporary agricultural workers. But
in recent decades have begun to establish permanently engaged with the process
of urbanization Aymara indigenous population in the coastal cities. As
circulating in the country strategically manage their ethnicity according to
the conditions that contextualize their identity expression. On the one hand
hide their identity while the other openly express it to the extent that
improved socioeconomic status, acquired Chilean nationality to live and settle
permanently in the country. Despite the distance, maintain ties with their
place of origin of immigrants and hold meetings where even project their ethnic
identity in the country by some recognition projects.
Keywords: Urus, Chipayas, Migration, Aymara,
ethnicity, Northern Chile , Social inclusion
INTRODUCTION: WHO ARE THE URUS-CHIPAYA
The Chipayas are the last survivors of ethnic
Uru, group considered one of the three major ethnic categories alongside
highland Aymara and Quechua (Wachtel, 2001: 15). Other groups are Muratos Urus
survivors and Iru-Itus with whom they share language and cultural and historic
wetlands developed as the banks of lakes Coipasa, Poopo Titicaca or the
Desaguadero, to which were rounded by the Aymara and Quechua (Acosta, 2001:
259-270).
One such place is the delta of rivers that flow
into the lake on whose banks the Coipasa Chipayas provide fresh water is
essential to all domestic and agricultural activities (Barrientos, 1990: 30)
(Delgadillo, 1998: 32). Located above 11,00 feet in the
western end of Bolivia (near
the border with Chile )
administratively belonging to the department of Oruro , which the municipality of Santa Ana de
Chipaya is a small community centre where most of the group (Barrientos , 1990:
25) (Guerra, 1991: 55) (Delgadillo, 1998: 35).
The answer mythological in the relationships
between the Urus and wetlands found in the story of its origin. The myth says
that Andes Chullpas[3] lived in a dark
age in which there was no sun and they were warned that this was going to be
born soon. However they were not prepared for this event and the time of the
appearance of the sun's rays were burnt, except some cautious who hid in caves
or sank underwater. Of the latter chullpas are direct descendants current Urus
who remained to live forever by the banks and wetlands. Currently Chipayas are
known as Chullpa-puchus[4]
(leftover chullpas) which is the name used to insult Aymaras (Wachtel, 1997:
12-15).
The Urus was mostly located in the highland
aquatic axis (Titicaca-Desaguadero-Poopo) and was described by European
chroniclers as "wild Indians" with particular features as language,
dress and way of life aquatic (Wachtel, 2001: 335). They were recognized for
being an uncivilized and primitive group that was engaged in fishing activities
on the banks of rivers and lakes, unlike other groups, such as the Aymara, who
grazed or practiced agriculture (Latcham, 1910: 65).
Aquatic and primitive people regarded by
Europeans and other Indians as "despicable people" living as
"wild beasts" to the shores of the lakes, the Indians most despised
among all groups, fishermen less reasoning and dressed so ragged (Vellard,
1963: 30-31). Extremely poor to the point that according to a report by the
colonial Inca were forced to pay as tribute a tube full of lice (ditto)
(Delgadillo, 1998: 6).
In this respect there is a discussion about
whether the Urus were an ethnic group defined by these cartoonish descriptions
or whether it was a category that included ethno-heterogeneity of marginal or
peripheral, poor, not subject may or may not have if some shared linguistic,
territorial, or cultural (Wachtel, 2001: 576-578).
It has been said that the Urus occupied much of
the highlands but were losing ground because of harassment from other groups
that took over their natural resources (Pauwels, 1998: 55). Metraux (1998: 55)
has argued that many groups disappeared or became Urus Aymara or Quechua because
inhabiting the territory called the attention of his neighbors. Subjected to a
voltage by the pressure had to accept the Uru acculturation and necessarily
assume Aymara ethnic identity to retain territory. Those who remained were
isolated and near aquatic life were those who bore greater emphasis stigma of
being wild.
This stigmatization is reproduced by
researchers from the early twentieth century as Metraux (1998: 55-65) who
suggested that the secret of the preservation intact of the Uru-Chipayas
current environment is precarious and geographical remoteness which they live.
Harassment of the Aymara has been essential for the junking that has maintained
its language and customs Urus in isolation (Pauwels, 1998: 73).
Even has indicated that current laboratory
Chipayas are to look to the past for ancient customs and traits (Metraux, 1967:
252). Today many newspaper articles and the Internet have followed the same
line (Muñoz, 2009: 8).
BACKGROUND ON THE MIGRATION TO CHILE
Since the early twentieth century has talked of
finding a set of skeletal remains classified as Urus on the coasts of northern Chile
(Latcham, 1910: 35-36). His analysis implied the possible existence of this
ethnic group early on the coasts from two important facts: the difference with
other groups such as the coast-Changos-and similarities with the Urus or Lake Titicaca in Bolivia Desaguadero (Latcham , 1910: 19-20).
However, it is necessary to consider a mixed
picture where different ethnic groups live together in the same space and
misclassified because of confusion (Wachtel, 2001: 575-579). For example it is
possible that the Urus found by chroniclers (and archaeologists) in the Chilean
coasts were mitimaes[5] (settlers of
Andean) cause the practice of having their people in several parts of the
country was common among highland groups as a way to make the most of
advantages of each ecological (Van Kessel, 2003: 100).
There is greater certainty about the presence
of hunters in Urus transhumant Chilean Altiplano lagoons showing ancient and
permanent transit (Wachtel, 2001: 565). For example it has been suggested that
Chipayas well aware of the wetlands and lakes to continue the hunt Chilean Flamencos[6] (Acosta, 1997:
13). Wachtel (2001: 564-565) about the possibility arises that two of these
nomadic groups (the Chipayas and Tangles) have been reduced in the sixteenth
century to found the present town of Santa Ana de Chipaya from a data obtained
from a title given to the year 1548 Retamoso frames.
This has also been a permanent access Chipayas
caravan through the ravines Chilean (Wachtel, 2001: 323). The camelid caravan
is an alternative that has brought them to exchange their products for the
agricultural products of the valleys (Muñoz, 2009: 91).
Another fact that massive immigration is added
to the nitrate Chilean Chipaya which some authors could produce the complete
abandonment of his hometown and subsequent disappearance, barring the nitrate
crisis that stopped the process (Pauwels, 1998: 56-57). Now we know that this
did not happen and you can see they have continued the tradition of going to
work in the agricultural valleys temporarily Chilean (Barrientos, 1990: 36).
A recent factor is the limited coverage
Bolivian education that has led Chipayas children to study Chilean secondary
schools (Barrientos, 1990: 85-86). This has led to undesirable consequences for
adults due to the incorporation of real and Chilean customs annoying as the
rebellious attitude toward parents, music and fashions (Wachtel, 1997:
116-117).
Today we have seen temporary migration has
become permanent establishment which has resulted in the acquisition of Chilean
nationality, the formation of some colonies Chipayas, and even starting small
ethnic claims (Muñoz, 2009: 124-132).
CHIPAYAS INCOME TO CHILE
On the border between Chile and Bolivia
is the town of Cariquima ,
which has been a traditional income for some Chipayas walking towards the
streams to find jobs as their ancestors did before in days caravanned or
hunting. Colchane is another village which houses the international office is
now the main access Chipayas entering motorized transport. The final destinations
of these trips are broken Azapa walks, Pampa , or
the cities of Arica and Antofagasta or Alto Hospicio (Muñoz, 2009:
75).
Before installation of customs control and
revenue were free they did not need passports or other documents. Entering walk
by streams running from the view of the Chilean police, looking for jobs in
agriculture on a seasonal basis, spikes according to their fate or prior
contacts with farmers (Muñoz, 2009: 70-74).
The time spent in the country depends on
several factors and for which there are basically two types of stays. The
temporary stay is for those who are working for short periods in the farming
season. Unlike the permanent stay is for those who stay beyond the agricultural
seasons and trying to obtain permanent residence to live in the country (Muñoz,
2009: 85).
At present the majority of their income
immigrants legally registered in the office requesting a work permit that lasts
three months and ending with the return home. But some of them do not register
your income or returns, which become illegal immigrants (Muñoz, 2009: 85).
Those who wish to remain in the country for
more than three months should prove prolonged stay with a contract of
employment from an employer Chile .
Other forms include the acquisition of Chilean nationality through marriage or
submitting forged documents sometimes (Muñoz, 2009: 72).
The legal stay in Chile guarantees access to welfare
state and is motivated to stay longer and try to legalize. The network of state
assistance in covering issues like health, education, labour protection or
access to housing for those who work only acquire nationality. By contrast,
some illegal immigrants as Chipayas pregnant women and their children left out
of health care or subsidies against malnutrition (Muñoz, 2009: 78).
Chilean nationality and permanent stay are
intimately related. For example those who have extended their stay or caring
began leasing properties in the country to acquire property and then permanent
housing through the purchase or state housing subsidies (Muñoz, 2009: 80-85).
The extension of tenure has been accompanied in
some cases by agglutination of immigrant families in certain places which has
given rise to the emergence of "Chipayas Colonies" in the north. Some
of the best known are the Azapa Valley , Tirana, Colonia Pintados, Alto Hospicio, and Antofagasta .
AYMARA AND FROM THE HIGHLANDS
CHIPAYAS THE COAST
The plateau is the gateway to immigrants who by
the limited availability of jobs usually go long because there are places
dedicated mainly to grazing and where agriculture is almost nonexistent. Some
Aymaras survive in abandoned villages without basic services. Young people have
migrated to other places in search of opportunity and behind them are the
elderly caring rangeland huge unemployed in a process of emptying villages
observed throughout the high plateau (Arriaza, 2005: 2-3).
This scenario is favourable for some Chipayas
who take care of herds of droves of llamas[7] that mediate take
or Aymara shepherds employees that are down from the highlands to work elsewhere.
The empty spaces left by the Aymara are covered by Chipayas ranging asking the
villages to find jobs (Muñoz, 2009: 83).
The Aymara are not satisfied with their
standard of living is going to pursue other opportunities but also want to keep
herds and properties that are rooted to their land. In turn Chipayas also
escape poverty are transformed into functional labour Aymaras needs. Precarious
conditions are what create this situation of co-dependency in which a need for
cheap labour and employment newcomers quickly.
The Chipayas come from one of the highest
concentration of rural poverty due to extreme weather and geographical
conditions that surround the salt flats. The problems of low productivity of
scarce farmland pressure coupled with a growing population migration (Wachtel,
2001: 18). The ability to mitigate somewhat the extreme poverty using the saved
resources in Chile by sending remittances temporary work has transformed part
of its productive (Muñoz, 2009: 87-90).
The proximity to the border in addition to favourable
currency exchange over the Bolivian Chilean helps determine temporary
migration. The working day is paid through a salary per working day which
includes a daily snack food, accommodation, and any other benefits negotiated
with the employer. Some even bear to live in unhygienic rooms and receive used
clothing for not spending itself in order to save as much as possible. The low
salary is changed by Bolivian currency and efficiently reinvested back to their
homes in Bolivia
(Muñoz, 2009: 83-90).
In some points Azapa streams, walk, or Tarapacá
Chipayas immigrants with impoverished highland Aymara are preferred by the
employers they work for low wages, no employment contract, no job security, and
also unclaimed by the conference flexible work that sometimes extend to what
authorizes labour legislation. A comparative advantage Chipayas worker is their
willingness to learn new skills and endure poor working conditions (Muñoz,
2009: 79-84).
Unlike highland streams we see an increase in agricultural
activity that enables increased utilization of labour. The villages of streams
have always been a subject of services, supply of inputs and labour in the
service of the tasks for the former mining and nitrate. Only in times of
industry crisis shelter residents to return to their villages to the moment
arising attractive alternatives (Van Kessel, 2003: 185-187).
As a result villages have been completely
abandoned due to replacements of people from the highlands that fill the empty
spaces left by farmers who leave to seek jobs in the cities of the coast or the
mining industry. The magnitude of this phenomenon is shown in the Tarapacá
gorge where only 22% are families from living up to 87% of immigrants, and
especially given that 65% of the highland Aymara immigrants already bought land
(Arriaza, 2005: 13).
Chipayas and Aymara immigrants occupy the gaps
that occur in the valleys, but this occupation has ethnic differences in terms
of job placement and control of agricultural land. Aymara immigrants come to
take control of vacant land to farm. The installation process begins with
asking immigrant’s employment of agricultural workers to farmers. Agricultural
work and learning can lease land or planting half with the owners. Finally buy
land and become farmers settling down to live in the valleys (Arriaza, 2005: 3).
Unlike the task that is left Chipayas
productive immigrants to planting and harvesting in the offer as braziers
part-time workers without a contract or temporary. Have you heard of work in Chile
through their relatives come to visit his people and offered to take them and
help them get a job or a place to stay (Muñoz, 2009: 73).
Adult immigrants usually are returned at the
end of the working season and return to their daily lives at home, unlike young
people who take the risk of staying and make life in this country. The
phenomenon is more noticeable in some places of the desert cities because of
increased opportunities (Muñoz, 2009: 87-90).
Agriculture in places like La Tirana, Colonia
Pintados or Huara is intense throughout the year and production is going to the
nearby market towns of the coast due to transport fluid. Both droughts and
summer floods have motivated the farmers to immigrate and settle in these
places. This has led to pressure on the state by increasing arable land that
has manifested itself in a political opening that has colonized areas including
land delivery and irrigation subsidies (Arriaza, 2005: 2).
The farmers from the highlands, the streams and
the Pampa
farmland have obtained in these new areas of agricultural colonization opening
vacancies are filled by immigrants who come after them. The alternatives of
wage labour, sharecropping, lease or purchase allow insertion of Aymara and
Chipayas in places with more stable employment.
The existence of some desert cities as Huara,
Pozo al Monte and trade approach and state social services to new immigrants
who have seen the modern life of the coastal cities where even been able to
educate their children to seek better opportunities in the industry.
This has generated not only the constant
attraction Chipayas from inside but also the transformation of temporary stay
permanent. Those who arrived early for short seasons have been left and
bringing relatives into the country. Some began as agricultural labourers’ of
the Aymara and then plots and administer care or to even get to purchase their
own land. This has enabled the formation of small colonies Chipayas immigrants
in places like La Tirana, Azapa
Valley or Colonia
Pintados (Muñoz, 2009: 85).
But as much Chipayas immigrants have settled to
live permanently found in coastal cities like Arica
and Antofagasta
or Alto Hospicio. These job offers found not only in agriculture but also
learned new skills back into the trade, industry or construction, increasing
wage income and improving their labour and social security (Muñoz, 2009: 73).
Even the doors were opened to independence
because such work in Alto Hospicio fairs are those engaged in the trade of
vegetables they harvest themselves. They have acquired their own plots of land
plus vans and self-help housing showing a strong desire to progress. Those who
possess the Chilean nationality have become leaders who guide and help their
countrymen (Muñoz, 2009: 82-85).
In addition, the Chilean has given them access
to state social services such as health or education of better quality and
varied. Relatives committees formed in the periphery of cities as Alto Hospicio
actively work to increase the likelihood of getting Chipayas homeownership
through state subsidy (Muñoz, 2009: 75-82).
Especially the city of Alto Hospicio has grown
through land seizures or social housing and currently consists of 11% of
immigrants from Iquique, 31% of immigrants in southern Chile and abroad, but
most are people inside which corresponds to a 58% (Arriaza, 2004: 4).
The Aymara arrivals have been active in the
field footage of Alto Hospicio since many of them were uprooted in the
outskirts of Iquique
and received land with irrigation water subsidy as compensation provided by the
authorities. Some participate to have an additional housing in the city where
their children have in school while they are inside watching their flocks or
cultivating their fields (Arriaza, 2004: 4-6).
In this city there has been a symbolic
appropriation of space manifested in the spontaneous emergence of neighbourhoods’
with names of Indians of the interior villages such as Isluga population,
Cariquima population, Quebe passage, Chiapa passage, etc. Some of it is also
claimed by the immigrant community in Chile .
SOCIAL INTEGRATION AND IDENTITY CHIPAYA
A)
EXPRESSION OF ETHNICITY:
Chipayas immigrants on their way through our
country hide their ethnicity or express it openly according to situations
related to the time and place in which they operate. The lack of protection conditions
in which there is the newcomer can create situations prone to withdrawal of
their ethnic identity. To the extent that they feel protected have given way to
a public display of identity expression Chipaya (Muñoz, 2009: 132).
There are times when you have gone through
coercion and the response to this situation has been to deny their origin
Chipaya Aymara Indian posing as though are not. In parts of the highlands
illegal immigrants that are controlled by police or deny Aymara invent a
surname comes from Bolivia .
But the danger is to evade justice many Chilean immigrants continued the
practice of trying to go unnoticed as Aymara have legalized despite entering
the country (Muñoz, 2009: 113-132).
The answer to that practice Chipayas or give
other people who know people say that just about everything unknown shyness or
a timid character that identifies the ethnic and historical situations comes
from pressure that have suffered from other ethnic . History indicates that the
Urus in ancient times were cornered and then enslaved to finish recently faced
with Aymara Huachacalla for control of some land bordering the salt flat
Coipasa (Wachtel, 2001: 340-343).
Some chapters of the Aymara discrimination
towards Chipayas repeated today in everyday situations. There is Aymara
immigrants resentful of interior villages who have attacked immigrants they
accuse Chipayas coming to Chile
to take away the job. During carnivals and celebrations in places like walking
or Isluga Chipayas remain as passive observers of these parties or
participating service providers hired just to play live traditional music
(Muñoz, 2009: 110-114).
Despite this there are immigrants who
originated Chipaya recognize and promote among their peers even called to
express it publicly. These are people who generally are set to live permanently
in the country and have a more stable socio-economic situation. Those who have
better inserted in Chilean society have been more likely to publicly
acknowledge their identity Chipaya (Muñoz, 2009: 134).
The paths for the insertion of these immigrants
are overcome initial shortcomings and try to enter public organizations and
committees of relatives. The experiences gained can help them form social
organic dyed any ethnicity. The presence of some immigrants inserts in Chilean
society that make leaders among their peers is basic to the task of promoting
clustering and support networks (Muñoz, 2009: 136).
An example can be found in the Aymara living in
the coastal town of Alto Hospicio
and partnerships that have shaped indigenous or cultural centres. Besides
sports clubs have formed representing their hometowns in a football tournament
where Aymara recreate historic rivalries and strengthen their identity localism.
These organizations provide a social space of belonging where they feel strange
or rejected and which recreates the community. This is a particular response of
Aymara society in adapting to the city (Arriaza, 2004: 11-12).
The Chipayas not have any indigenous organization
in Chile recognizable except
for some soccer teams in Alto Hospicio, La Tirana and Antofagasta . They meet on Sundays to play
soccer and sports leaders have even organized competitions between teams from
various cities. For example Chipayas La Tirana has their own football team
emblems own and facing teams in matches Chipayas of Alto Hospicio (Muñoz, 2009:
98-99).
These are developed countless sporting social
activities parallel to what happens inside the court as meetings between
acquaintances and relatives and exchange of information of all kinds such as
errands, news, employment data, etc. This has led to an activation of the
social support networks that have enabled the social integration of newcomers
(Muñoz, 2009: 131-137).
The Sunday football is an extremely important
because it has brought together the community in a space demarcated Chipayas
exclusively "by them and for them." There's meeting people allow a
display of ethnic identity Chipaya appropriating public spaces which are new
meaning as their exclusive community spaces momentary (Muñoz, 2009: 126).
These immigrants than during the rest of the
week are invisible organized public meetings which are notorious and define a
subjective space that reworks Chipaya community in Chile . The absence of political or
religious authorities was supplemented by that transcend sports leaders on
Sunday and is indicative of the consolidation of the permanent installation
process. Even in these meetings have started developing the first social
projects in the country (Muñoz, 2009: 135).
For example in La Tirana have organized to ask
the mayor of Pozo Almonte some land to build its own football field and has
spoken of the need to also have their own Chipaya neighborhoods. In Alto
Hospicio some sports clubs have spoken with city officials to apply for land to
build a neighborhood Chipaya with football stadium. Gradually has reared the
idea of being
recognized as Chipayas Chileans are recognized as the Aymara (Muñoz, 2009:
98-99).
B) DIMENSIONS OF PUBLIC AND PRIVATE IDENTITY
EXPRESSION:
The absence of traditional festivals and
customs of public performance can give the impression of a disappearance or
total cultural assimilation Chipayas in the country. However, we must consider
the lack of social spaces for the development or deployment of a cultural
repertoire, and social conditions that facilitate the expression and public
recognition of the origin Chipaya (Muñoz, 2009: 104).
In this regard there are dimensions of identity
expression in which personal stories intersect with social contexts. Those who
come to support seasonal working poor living conditions and generally replicate
or maintain their identity Chipaya in the privacy of the group. Contrary to
what happens to those who have settled permanently live and whose experience
has made them jump to the precarious state of consolidation that gives security
to openly acknowledge its origin.
There are cases of identity expression that
manifest fallback in disguising the source Chipaya towards strangers and
shelter in the privacy of home. For example, there Chipayas immigrants who have
returned to their village purpose of exercising traditional authority after a
year after returning back to normal life in Chile. Some people keep their
customs practice in the privacy of home listening to traditional music or
talking in your language (Muñoz, 2009: 104).
Instead there are cases of open expression of
identity and the best example is for those who are trying to project their
identity to the rest of society through football teams with specificity Chipaya
(Muñoz, 2009: 130).
CONCLUSIONS
As a first conclusion must stop considering the
Chipayas as a refrigerated culture remains unchanged since ancient times. This
ethnic group has proved more than a window to look into the past as has wrongly
been described by several authors even today. His tenure in northern Chile has shown
that it is a group with full capabilities to adapt to changing social
situations without giving up their ethnicity. As evidence of this we have the
final installation process of some immigrants has resulted in a settlement of
some places on the coast that ignore persistent attempts to fix them in space
and time do not match observed reality today.
The process of adapting to a new context means
the abandonment of certain elements and replacing them which does not imply the
disappearance of the cultural entity. For Chipayas the move to urban living has
been a process of redefinition of the concept of "Indian" under new
standards. The strength of ethnic identity Chipaya has been demonstrated by the
ability of its converting best evidence is the strategic incorporation of soccer
as a community aggregation and projection in a new social setting.
A second lesson we have passing through the
country also has shown the existence of an interesting phenomenon of people
migrating from one place and its replacement new immigrants come to occupy the
same places. This chain emigration has a westbound and takes people from the
rural interior to the coast towards urban. The Aymara and Chipayas are carried
by this chain but its inclusion in these areas as well as in the wider society are
differentiated.
As a third conclusion and detached from the
above we have that the Aymara have better social integration in their migration
destinations and as an example of this we have to come as labourers’ or tenants
and soon become owners, as opposed to those who come as Chipayas labourers’ and
remain in that category with some exceptions. Issues such as the Chilean
nationality make a difference in the form of social integration of immigrants
as it gives a better chance to establish their presence in the country and gain
access to state social services that allow them emerge and develop.
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localidad de Alto Hospicio-Alto Molle”,
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[1] This translation corresponds to the article
"URU-CHIPAYAS IN CHILE" published in the journal Social Science
University ARTURO PRAT in Iquique ,
Chile . The
original article in Spanish is available to read and download from the
following link: http://redalyc.uaemex.mx/src/inicio/ArtPdfRed.jsp?iCve=70822580001
[2] The author is a
social anthropologist from the University Academy of Christian Humanism, Santiago , Chile .
He currently lives in the city of Curico , Chile . caalmumo@hotmail.com
(+56) 82459629.
[3] Chullpas Andean mythological beings who
lived in the time of darkness before the creation of the sun that came to
enlighten the world today.
[4] Chullpa-Puchu the beings half man and half Chullpa or
incomplete humans implying racial inferiority in the Andes .
[5] Mitimaes are settlers who were sent to
different places by the authorities of the Andean peoples to strengthen
cultural domination by sending elements of capital to local ethnic groups and
learning exchange. They represent the voice of the authorities in places
colonized and in conjunction with local authorities manage the construction of
advances, agricultural production, trade and manufacturing, taxes, and many
other aspects of social life Andean.
[7] Llama is one of the four species of
camelids living in america .
It is the most important animal domesticated in the Andes which is used for
meat, wool, leather and also as cargo in the caravans that cross the Andes .